Chapter 7

The next morning, which was Saturday, I put Thrombley in charge of the routine work of the Embassy, but first instructed him to answer all inquiries about me with the statement, literally true, that I was too immersed in work of clearing up matters left unfinished after the death of the former Ambassador for any social activities. Then I called the Hickock ranch in the west end of Sam Houston Continent, mentioning an invitation the Colonel and his daughter had extended me, and told them I would be out to see them before noon that same day. With Hoddy Ringo driving the car, I arrived about 1000, and was welcomed by Gail and her father, who had flown out the evening before, after the barbecue.

Hoddy, accompanied by a Ranger and one of Hickock’s ranch hands, all three disguised in shabby and grease-stained cast-offs borrowed at the ranch, and driving a dilapidated aircar from the ranch junkyard, were sent to visit the slum village of Bonneyville. They spent all day there, posing as a trio of range tramps out of favor with the law.

I spent the day with Gail, flying over the range, visiting Hickock’s herd camps and slaughtering crews. It was a pleasant day and I managed to make it constructive as well.

Because of their huge size--they ran to a live weight of around fifteen tons--and their uncertain disposition, supercows are not really domesticated. Each rancher owned the herds on his own land, chiefly by virtue of constant watchfulness over them. There were always a couple of helicopters hovering over each herd, with fast fighter planes waiting on call to come in and drop fire-bombs or stun-bombs in front of them if they showed a disposition to wander too far. Naturally, things of this size could not be shipped live to the market; they were butchered on the range, and the meat hauled out in big ‘copter-trucks.

Slaughtering was dangerous and exciting work. It was done with medium tanks mounting fifty-mm guns, usually working at the rear of the herd, although a supercow herd could change directions almost in a second and the killing-tanks would then find themselves in front of a stampede. I saw several such incidents. Once Gail and I had to dive in with our car and help turn such a stampede.

We got back to the ranch house shortly before dinner. Gail went at once to change clothes; Colonel Hickock and I sat down together for a drink in his library, a beautiful room. I especially admired the walls, panelled in plastic-hardened supercow-leather.

“What do you think of our planet now, Mr. Silk?” Colonel Hickock asked.

“Well, Colonel, your final message to the State was part of the briefing I received,” I replied. “I must say that I agree with your opinions. Especially with your opinion of local political practices. Politics is nothing, here, if not exciting and exacting.”

“You don’t understand it though.” That was about half-question and half-statement. “Particularly our custom of using politicians as clay pigeons.”

“Well, it is rather unusual...”

“Yes.” The dryness in his tone was a paragraph of comment on my understatement. “And it’s fundamental to our system of government.

“You were out all afternoon with Gail; you saw how we have to handle the supercow herds. Well, it is upon the fact that every rancher must have at his disposal a powerful force of aircraft and armor, easily convertible to military uses, that our political freedom rests. You see, our government is, in effect, an oligarchy of the big landowners and ranchers, who, in combination, have enough military power to overturn any Planetary government overnight. And, on the local level, it is a paternalistic feudalism.

“That’s something that would have stood the hair of any Twentieth Century ‘Liberal’ on end. And it gives us the freest government anywhere in the galaxy.

“There were a number of occasions, much less frequent now than formerly, when coalitions of big ranches combined their strength and marched on the Planetary government to protect their rights from government encroachment. This sort of thing could only be resorted to in defense of some inherent right, and never to infringe on the rights of others. Because, in the latter case, other armed coalitions would have arisen, as they did once or twice during the first three decades of New Texan history, to resist.

“So the right of armed intervention by the people when the government invaded or threatened their rights became an acknowledged part of our political system.

“And--this arises as a natural consequence--you can’t give a man with five hundred employees and a force of tanks and aircraft the right to resist the government, then at the same time deny that right to a man who has only his own pistol or machete.”

“I notice the President and the other officials have themselves surrounded by guards to protect them from individual attack,” I said. “Why doesn’t the government, as such, protect itself with an army and air force large enough to resist any possible coalition of the big ranchers?”

“Because we won’t let the government get that strong!“ the Colonel said forcefully. “That’s one of the basic premises. We have no standing army, only the New Texas Rangers. And the legislature won’t authorize any standing army, or appropriate funds to support one. Any member of the legislature who tried it would get what Austin Maverick got, a couple of weeks ago, or what Sam Saltkin got, eight years ago, when he proposed a law for the compulsory registration and licensing of firearms. The opposition to that tax scheme of Maverick’s wasn’t because of what it would cost the public in taxes, but from fear of what the government could do with the money after they got it.

“Keep a government poor and weak and it’s your servant; let it get rich and powerful and it’s your master. We don’t want any masters here on New Texas.”

“But the President has a bodyguard,” I noted.

“Casualty rate was too high,” Hickock explained. “Remember, the President’s job is inherently impossible: he has to represent all the people.”

I thought that over, could see the illogical logic, but... “How about your rancher oligarchy?”

He laughed. “Son, if I started acting like a master around this ranch in the morning, they’d find my body in an irrigation ditch before sunset.

“Sure, if you have a real army, you can keep the men under your thumb--use one regiment or one division to put down mutiny in another. But when you have only five hundred men, all of whom know everybody else and all of them armed, you just act real considerate of them if you want to keep on living.”

“Then would you say that the opposition to annexation comes from the people who are afraid that if New Texas enters the Solar League, there will be League troops sent here and this ... this interesting system of insuring government responsibility to the public would be brought to an end?”

“Yes. If you can show the people of this planet that the League won’t interfere with local political practices, you’ll have a 99.95 percent majority in favor of annexation. We’re too close to the z’Srauff star-cluster, out here, not to see the benefits of joining the Solar League.”

We left the Hickock ranch on Sunday afternoon and while Hoddy guided our air-car back to New Austin, I had a little time to revise some of my ideas about New Texas. That is, I had time to think during those few moments when Hoddy wasn’t taking advantage of our diplomatic immunity to invent new air-ground traffic laws.

My thoughts alternated between the pleasure of remembering Gail’s gay company and the gloom of understanding the complete implications of the Colonel’s clarifying lectures. Against the background of his remarks, I could find myself appreciating the Ghopal-Klüng-Natalenko reasoning: the only way to cut the Gordian knot was to have another Solar League Ambassador killed.

And, whenever I could escape thinking about the fact that the next Ambassador to be the clay pigeon was me, I found myself wondering if I wanted the League to take over. Annexation, yes; New Texas customs would be protected under a treaty of annexation. But the “justified conquest” urged by Machiavelli, Jr.? No.